Transcript
Hi everyone. Instead of a regular post today, I’m going to put up a video. There are a number of reasons why I feel like doing that instead of the usual. One of them is that this is a dry run for a talk that I will be giving virtually later today.
There’s a conference on the economics of digital transformation taking place in Croatia, although I’ll be doing it remotely. And they have asked me to talk about global power, geoeconomics, and Europe. Those are all themes that I’ve been thinking about quite a lot. And today’s miniature talk is an opportunity to try talking through those themes.
And the way I want to structure it is as what has changed, at least in the way that we all now understand the world, since, well, basically since Donald Trump returned to power. That’s an American-centric point of view, if you like, but it’s kind of a natural bracket.
And of course, everything really has changed, mostly not for the better, under Trump. And it has, as it turns out, big implications for Europe as well. So let me just try to get into that.
Start by talking about the world as it seemed to be at the beginning of 2025.
There were, and still are, three great economic superpowers in the world: China, the United States, and the European Union, in that order. If we measure GDP in 2024 at purchasing power parity, which is basically just adjusting for differences in national price levels, you had China with a GDP of something like $37 trillion, the United States with something like 29 trillion and the EU with something like 28 trillion. That last bit may be a bit of a surprise — maybe all of it is a surprise to some people — but yes, in terms of the actual amount of stuff it produces the Chinese economy is now substantially bigger than the US economy. And the European economy is almost the same size as the US economy. If you think that Europe is backward and poor and helplessly dependent, it’s not. It is an economic superpower.
And in fact, by this measure, Europe has basically maintained this position of being about comparable to the United States for a long time. This is a whole other topic that I’ve been writing about and will continue to write about in the future.
In that world, basically, two things were really kind of striking. One is that the United States seemed to perceive itself as being a dominant power, even though China was bigger and even though Europe was about the same size, and Europe acted as if it seemed to perceive itself as not being in the same league, as being not a superpower at all. All of that may be changing, and events are part of the reason, so let’s talk about the events.
Now, the most obvious: the United States just lost a war. Just lost it bigly, as Trump used to say. It’s an astonishing story. We went up against Iran, which was definitely not a major military power or a major economic power, a sort of middle-ranked power, if that, and utterly failed to achieve our war goals.
In the process, we inflicted a lot of damage on the world economy and depleted our stocks of high-tech weapons that will take years to replace. Altogether, immense damage was inflicted on Iran, but Iran has clearly emerged stronger. The United States has emerged humiliated.
The attempts by Trump and minions to pretend that it was a victory don’t help. They only make the United States look not just humiliated but delusional.
So that’s a big deal. It has large implications for US power and influence going forward as well. To explain those implications, it’s helpful to talk about one of the other things that really dramatically changed with Trump coming back into office, which was trade policy.
The United States began really seriously trying to throw its weight around. Liberation Day, the tariffs on everybody, basically trying to pressure all of the world into giving us various kinds of concessions. Give us what we want or we won’t let you sell in our market and everybody needs to sell in our market.
Okay, what we learned from now well over a year of trade war is that U.S. power in that dimension is substantially less than certainly than Trump appeared to believe it was. And just in general, trade, leverage and trade negotiations, leverage in trade disputes has less to do with market access than a lot of people assumed and more to do with supply chains, with getting stuff that you use in your economy, means of production, not in the sense of capital, but intermediate inputs or just inputs in general. The nation that has more ability to strangle its rivals by cutting off supply chains is the one that has the upper hand.
So it turns out, and we had already learned this from the trade stuff, that China with its dominant position in rare earths and some other crucial industrial materials actually had a stronger hand than the United States. Yes, we have a big market, but loss of a market can be offset to some extent by domestic stimulus, domestic support programs. Not having crucial industrial materials is not so easy to make up for. So we learned that the power in international trade disputes in a fundamental sense reflects power over supply, not power over demand, which is something economists have always tried to say.
The point of trade is not to sell. The point of trade is to get stuff. You sell as a way to pay for things that you get from other countries. But now we have it demonstrated very obviously in real life. So that in itself meant that we’ve had a blow to the perception of US power. It turns out the US market is not almighty; access to the US market is not anything like as powerful a tool as we thought and Chinese strangleholds over key inputs are much more important.
And then of course we’ve seen that even more graphically demonstrated by war with Iran and it turns out that Iran’s ability to disrupt traffic through the Strait of Hormuz was a really huge empowering point, and it was the kind of thing that the United States really didn’t think about, and certainly the Trump administration didn’t think about.
And it shows the true rules of global economic power, because largely Iran was able to win this war through economic power rather than strictly military action, the rules of economic power are not what a lot of people thought they were.
Who benefits from that? Well, obviously China. What we’ve seen now is that in terms of a global power competition, China has demonstrated that they have substantial power over supply chains. They’ve also demonstrated that they can weather a cutoff of oil pretty well.
And global power is a zero-sum game. So the United States, by weakening itself, by showing that we don’t have the ability to impose our will militarily, we don’t even have the ability to keep international shipping routes open, has emerged as just a much less formidable player, which means that China by comparison looks better. Add to that the fact that the United States has been erratic and unreliable. Our current leadership just doesn’t understand that a reputation for doing what you promised, honoring your agreements, is itself a source of power, and we have done an enormous amount to undermine that. Not news to anybody.
Trump looks much weaker. America looks much weaker. To a certain extent, China is the beneficiary of all that, at least in terms of power.
Now, of course, life is not all about power. And in the end, you don’t run a country to maximize global power. Maybe the Chinese do. I’m not sure about that. But in any case, it’s not a zero-sum game in terms of living. But in terms of power, it is a zero-sum game. And the United States share of that power, however you measure it, is clearly down as a result of the war.
Europe is a little bit interesting here. Europe played essentially no role in any of this. Europe wasn’t involved, obviously, in the war. Europe didn’t do very much at all except to suffer. Still, one thing that is kind of important is that Europe — at least to some degree, not really through emergency responses but just through the general way that the Hormuz shock played out — Europe demonstrated or some European countries demonstrated that they can be much more independent of global hydrocarbon resources than they have been.
Europe is not a major oil producing area. It has some, but not a lot. It’s not a major gas producing area anymore. It’s essentially a very resource poor economy relative to the size of its GDP, relative to its population. But it is an economy that increasingly relies on renewable energy. And those countries that have gone especially far in relying on renewables weathered this really well. That’s the lesson of Spain’s ability to ride through this with very little rise in electricity costs compared with some other countries. Italy, which has very little in the way of renewables and is very heavily reliant on natural gas for electricity generation, Italy did much worse.
But Spain has given an illustration of how the renewable energy revolution — solar plus batteries is what really runs Spain now — has made Europe more independent and can make it more independent still in a world economy where control of natural resources used to be really critical and it’s becoming increasingly less critical.
So that’s actually a point in Europe’s favor. That’s one piece Another piece of this is that Europe has always, in my lifetime, literally, and from a bit before my lifetime, Europe has always been far less of a global power player than you would expect given its sheer economic weight.
Now that’s partly because Europe doesn’t exist as a political entity. though it’s more of one than it used to be; the common market has gradually turned into something more than that and Europe is able in some important ways to operate as one and is finding ad hoc ways of cooperating more. But it was always in a secondary position very much — or tertiary position given the rise of China — largely because the United States in addition to having a big economy was overwhelmingly the dominant military force.
Now until just the other day there was never a question that the United States would use its military force against Europe; but Europe depended on the United States. Europe’s defense, its security, all depended on the United States.
Okay, now where are we? The United States is quite simply just less credible as a security guarantor, not just because of crazy stuff where we threaten Denmark over Greenland, and not just because we’re erratic all the time, but because we’ve just demonstrated that our military capability is a lot less than we thought it was. The United States could not batter Iran into doing what it wanted. It could not keep the Strait of Hormuz open. So U.S. military preeminence is a lot less intimidating, also a lot less reassuring if you thought you had America on your good side than it used to be.
And on the other hand the prospect that Europe might be able to defend itself, achieve its own security without the United States, looks a lot stronger than it did not very long ago. And that’s not just because of the war in Iran but also because of the war in Ukraine.
Now, there are many, many horrifying things that have happened under Trump. One of the ones that is particularly horrifying to some of us is the abandonment of Ukraine, the clear tilt towards siding with Putin in his attempt to destroy a democratic nation. The United States basically stopped giving any aid to Ukraine at all. almost as soon as Trump took office. U.S. aid of all kinds, but especially, of course, military aid, is all gone.
But a funny thing has happened. Ukraine is still standing. If anything, the war seems to be tilting in its direction. Now, that reflects partly the fact that Europe did step up. particularly with economic aid: Europe has filled the gap, pretty much, that the United States left so the flow of money to Ukraine continues.
But it’s also because war has changed. To the extent that the United States appeared to be essential it wasn’t just the money — we knew that Europe could come up with some money — but it appeared that what would what How could Ukraine defend itself without U.S. weapons?
Well, it turns out that in this age of drone warfare that Ukraine can mostly defend itself. Actually, what they can’t really stop is Russian missiles that destroy civilian targets, which is horrifying, but it doesn’t appear to really work in terms of altering the military balance.
And Ukraine has developed its own suite of weapons, and quite aside from the fact that Ukraine is hanging in there, this says that one of the sources of perceived US superpower status— super duper power? versus Europe is a mere superpower? — was that, well, we had the weapons, that we had the technology, that even if Europe could come up with the money, they needed U.S. weapons to be effective, as did Ukraine. And if the United States cut off the flow of weapons, what could you do? You really could not stand without all of those sophisticated, high-tech weapons that only the United States knew how to produce.
Well, those weapons are kind of looking obsolete right now. Not entirely, but we just saw Iran do a lot of damage with drones that the United States didn’t appear prepared to stop. And the United States, with all of its super-duper weapons, was not able to suppress them.
We had the spectacle of million-dollar patriots shooting down $30,000 Shaheds. This is not a good look. And Ukraine has become a major arms producer ,has become in many ways the expert in this new age of drone warfare. The Europeans are picking up some of that, and there’s a lot of new cooperation on weapons with Ukraine.
But maybe the most important thing to say is that, well, that special U.S. advantage, because we had the weapons and no one else did, it’s not much of an advantage now that it appears that those weapons are largely obsolete.
Not totally, of course. The Ukrainians would really love to get more Patriot missiles to stop some of those Russian missiles that are destroying 11th century churches and so on. But the balance has shifted in a way that means that the United States is not indispensable at any level. We’re not indispensable financially, and we’re not even indispensable militarily. It’s like we have the world’s best cavalry in an age of machine guns. What good does that do?
Okay the Chinese presumably have immense capacity. Chinese dominance of manufacturing means that on almost any dimension China is the super super duper power, they’re really way out in front. But there’s much more parity between between Europe and the United States than there was because the United States doesn’t really have economic dominance and we don’t have military dominance anymore. We dominated an age of warfare that now appears to be behind us.
So where does Europe stand here?
In a rational world, the rise of China and the coordinated, concerted, efforts of the United States and Europe to deal with that rise would be the central story of geopolitics in the year 2026. Unfortunately, things are not rational. And so we have a belligerent, erratic United States with Europe largely on its own.
But Europe being on its own is not nearly as impossible to imagine as it used to be. This is a world that has tilted towards China. That’s probably the biggest story. But it is also, in effect, tilted towards Europe because it’s tilted away from us here in the United States.
Take care.